Addressing a gathering at Naudero on December 27, 2009, on the occasion of Benazir Bhutto’s second death anniversary, Mr Zardari warned all those who wanted him to resign after the apex court judgement, “Don’t think that we are weak, or we cannot fight.” He had been in jail for over 11 years. He indicated that he was not afraid of going to jail again. But his view was that Pakistan needed him to be in President’s House, and he would stay put there. Obviously, he will prefer to use all the resources available to him, including the constitutional provision providing him immunity against court cases, to remain the President of Pakistan for as long as he can.
Mr Zardari is trying to project him and his party’s government as the defenders of democracy, which has been brought back on the rails with great sacrifices made by different sections of society. He has sought to convey the impression that he is not for a confrontation between the presidency and the judiciary, which, many believe, may happen if the NRO verdict is not implemented in letter and spirit. In his speech, there was an indirect hint to the judiciary that it should avoid pressing the matter too much because that might weaken the forces of democracy. The beneficiaries in that situation will be the extremist elements trying to subvert the system by using violent means.
The threat to stability posed by the Taliban and other extremist elements has, in fact, proved to be a blessing in disguise for Mr Zardari and those on his bandwagon. Many political analysts have been arguing that any attempt to unseat Mr Zardari will be an invitation to instability and chaos, which Pakistan cannot afford today.
Interestingly, there is talk of “reconciliation” between the Zardari camp and those who want him to pack off and leave President’s House. Mr Zardari is being advised to initiate a process for the removal of the 17th amendment to the 1975 Constitution, which gives power to the President to dissolve the national and provincial assemblies and to sack an uncooperative government. He is also being urged to improve the government’s functioning to acquire a new and better image.
Even PML (N) leader Nawaz Sharif is not speaking as forcefully as he ought to for the implementation of the apex court’s NRO ruling. Addressing a meeting of his party last Saturday, he asked the government to bring back the money stacked in Swiss banks by Pakistanis (an indirect reference to Mr Zardari’s overseas bank accounts). But his statement is interpreted as being aimed at mainly silencing his critics, who allege that his party is playing the role of a “friendly” opposition. The former Prime Minister has refrained from issuing a threat to launch a drive for the implementation of the apex court verdict. The language he uses nowadays is different from that of the days when he fought for the restoration of the judiciary’s pre-November 2007 status.
Efforts are on to prove that the judgement reflects the judges’ bias against the PPP and Sindh province. The verdict is also being interpreted as aimed at targeting certain individuals — read Mr Zardari. The PPP leadership says it will not take the matter lying down.
The newspapers and TV channels trying to create an atmosphere in which the tainted politicians can find it difficult to survive in their present positions are being targeted by the government. Some ruling politicians have approached the authorities in Dubai to ban TV talk shows lampooning the corrupt in Pakistan. The journalists who have been very harsh in their criticism of the corrupt politicians are being dubbed as “Israeli agents”.
Mr Zardari is not in the good books of the Pakistan Army, yet top generals have not hinted at being in a hurry to get him replaced. Any attempt to show the PPP co-chairperson the door is feared to lead to dangerous consequences. Such a course may result in a split in the PPP, throwing the government out of gear. That is why neither the Army nor Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, enjoying the confidence of the armed forces, wants to take any step that may disturb the present political dispensation.
Mr Gilani may have improved his image considerably since he took over as Prime Minister after the 2008 elections, but he is not in a position to carry along with him the entire PPP. He is fully aware of these harsh realities. The status quo also suits the second major partner in the ruling coalition, the MQM.
There is the possibility of Mr Nawaz Sharif emerging as the major gainer if somehow Mr Zardari has to relinquish power. The PML (N) has been invited again to rejoin the coalition it left soon after the formation of the government in 2008. But there is no positive response from Mr Sharif. Perhaps, he is waiting for the government to fall under the wait of its own problems. But this is unlikely to come about soon as efforts are to get Mr Zardari’s name cleared of all corruption charges levelled against him when Mr Sharif was Prime Minister.
The Pakistan President’s supporters strongly believe that it was vindictive politics that led to the framing of corruption cases against him. Much, however, depends on how far the Establishment is successful in influencing the Supreme Court of Pakistan, particularly when the very eligibility of Mr Zardari to become the President has been questioned.
Mr Zardari, however, appears to be confident of weathering the storm he faces today. He has been asserting that he can defeat the game-plan of his opponents with the help of law. Mr Zardari’s camp followers want the judiciary to keep in mind that if the situation further deteriorates, it will be curtains for democracy again. After all, how long can the Pakistan Army resist the temptation of recapturing power?
Source: The Tribune, Chandigarh, India.
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